The NASS proposal to hold federal elections in November 2026 sparks new debates

 


Some Nigerians, especially those in the coalition led by the African Democratic Congress, or ADC, are not happy with the National Assembly's plan to hold the country's next presidential and gubernatorial elections in November of next year, along with state and national assembly elections.

The federal parliamentarians are suggesting that, rather than in February or March as has been customary in the past, the next general elections be held six months before to the conclusion of the present administration's term.

The goal of the proposal, which is part of a draft modification to the 2022 Electoral Act, is to guarantee that elections for the president and governors are held no later than 185 days prior to the incumbents' terms ending. In particular, it suggests holding elections for the president and governors on November 20, 2026.

Some have expressed disapproval of this move, claiming that if the measure passes, government would suffer.

They believe that if that were to happen, the president and state governors—the existing political leaders—would stop running for office and concentrate on winning reelection, depriving the populace of the benefits of democracy and making their lives more difficult.

They think that all of the funds that will be given to the states going forward will be used for the elections rather than for infrastructure development for the populace once they are held in November of the following year.

Fascinatingly, the proponents of the initiative contend that it will provide enough time to complete all election litigations prior to formally appointing the winners.

They believe that it is not a good idea for someone to be sworn into a position such as governor or president and then use state funds to fight their election-related issue in court.

They feel that it would be detrimental to the nation's democracy if someone were removed from office as president or governor, sometimes even two years after taking office, as a result of the results of electoral litigation. This is because, in their opinion, the development of the nation would not have been aided by having the incorrect individual oversee the affairs of millions of people and determine their fate for more than two or three years, as the case may be.

Some, on the other hand, have endorsed the plan, claiming it would amount to the bare minimum of electoral misconduct.

This, according to some on this side of the dispute, is because the custom of the president assisting the governors in rigging in their favor or the governors assisting the president in rigging would not exist if the presidential and governorial elections were held on the same day.

A Lagos lawyer named Kayode Akiolu is one of the proposal's ardent supporters. He provided an illustration of how the entire concept might unfold if it were to become the norm.

According to him, this will actually lessen or even completely eradicate electoral fraud because, just as the president will be preoccupied with defending himself and forgetting that there are any governors, the governors will also be preoccupied with defending themselves and not equally remembering the president's existence.

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State, for example, would not have won the election if the gubernatorial and presidential elections had taken place on the same day in 2023; Rhodes Vivour, a candidate for the Labour Party, LP, would have defeated him.

This is straightforward: the LP won the Lagos presidential election handily, but the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate Bola Tinubu was proclaimed the victor, so the party had to send in federal troops to guarantee Sanwo-Olu, the APC candidate, won.

Tinubu would not have had time to assist Sanwo-Olu in any way if the two polls had taken place on the same day, and the governor would have lost the state's election in the same manner as the president. In several other states, this situation was true.

Because the elections for the president and national assembly were held on the same day, just as the elections for the governorship and state assembly were held on the same day, Agbaje also provided examples of some unknown individuals who won both state and national assembly elections, even from unpopular political parties, to emphasize his point.

You learn that the president didn't care about the success of any legislators since he was focused on winning his own election, just as the lawmakers didn't care about the president's triumph but rather their own on election day.

They may have actively campaigned for the president prior to the election, but when they commit various electoral malpractices on election day, they forget about the president and just care about their own survival. This explains why numerous candidates from the major opposition party and even obscure parties were successful in winning seats in the state and national parliament in 2023 and even earlier elections.

"Any party that wins the presidency will automatically take over 95 percent of the national assembly seats if the presidential and national assembly elections were held on different days. However, because they are held on the same day, you always see candidates from different political parties winning, depending on how popular these candidates are with their constituents."

"Elections into the office of the President and Governor of a state shall be held, not later than 185 days before the expiration of the term of office of the last holder of the office," according to Section 4(7) of the proposed amendment. According to this computation, November 2026 would be the date of the general election in 2027.

The Joint Committee on Electoral Matters of both chambers of the National Assembly recently held a one-day public hearing when the draft amendment was revealed. Similar schedules for elections to the National and State Houses of Assembly were also suggested by the MPs, who stipulated that the polls must be conducted no later than 185 days prior to the date on which each parliament is dissolved.

Adebayo Balogun, the chairman of the House Committee on Electoral Matters, stated that the proposed change was intended to solve the backlog of post-election lawsuits, one of Nigeria's persistent electoral problems.

"We are suggesting this change to give sufficient time for all election cases to be resolved prior to the swearing-in of elected officials," he stated.

"In order to accomplish this, we are also suggesting that the length of tribunal and appellate court rulings be shortened, ensuring that all election-related disputes are settled within the 185-day window prior to inauguration."


He clarified that under the planned review, the Appellate Court's appeals would be resolved in 60 days, giving the Supreme Court the time to render its final decision, while the electoral tribunals' 180-day judgment delivery period would be shortened to 90 days.

The joint committee also suggested amending sections 76, 116, 132, and 178 of the 1999 Constitution to make room for the change. This effectively moved the authority to set election dates from the Constitution to the Electoral Act.

"The amendments to sections 76, 116, 132, and 178 of the Constitution, which seek to remove the determination of election timelines from the Constitution to the Electoral Act, led to the introduction of Section 28, now section 27 (5–7)," the committee's draft said.

In addition to the suggested change in election dates, the MPs suggested early voting for specific groups of Nigerians who usually carry out necessary tasks on election day.

"There shall be a date set aside for early voting not later than 14 days to the day of the election," according to section (2) of the draft amendment.

Journalists, accredited domestic observers, INEC officials, security officers, and commission ad hoc workers are all able to vote early.

However, the ADC has also opposed the initiative, claiming it would jeopardize Nigerian government, in line with some Nigerians.

Bolaji Abdullahi, the country's acting national press secretary, claimed in a statement that holding the general election in November would put the nation on a never-ending campaign trail, which would be bad for growth and governance.

The party cautioned the national assembly to abandon the notion and concentrate on real judicial and electoral changes that guarantee fair elections and prompt dispute resolution without jeopardizing the stability of governance.

The party pointed out that while though the measure aims to give election petitions more time to be resolved before a new administration is sworn in, it will actually cause more issues than it was meant to address.

It stated that "the proposal threatens to push Nigeria into a state of permanent electioneering, where politics dominates governance and development is perpetually on hold, by cutting the current political calendar by six months."

In reality, campaigns will start as early as 2025 because elections are scheduled for November 2026. After just two years of actual governing, the political cacophony will take over.

"Public figures running for office or supporting others, including the president, ministers, and governors, will change their emphasis from performance to positioning. Projects will be shelved, policies will stagnate, and the system as a whole will lean toward 2026 rather than 2027.

Even without the revisions, we can observe what happens to a nation when an administration prioritizes power over the well-being of its citizens, as is the case with the current APC government. The federal and state incumbent structures are already running campaigns, even with the existing schedule. In this sense, postponing the elections will only hasten this detrimental pattern and turn our democracy into a game of electioneering.

The party said that Nigerians expect decent government as a byproduct of democracy and are more than just voters. It said, "Nigeria cannot afford a system that allows the government to govern for two years and campaign for two."

Prince Johnson Meekor, a public affairs analyst, supported the ADC's stance by arguing that if the proposal's goal is to guarantee that election petitions are resolved prior to swearing in, as its proponents would have us believe, then the answer is to strengthen institutions, reform electoral laws, and enhance the judiciary's and INEC's capabilities.

"Other democracies have demonstrated that it is feasible to uphold set election schedules while guaranteeing prompt dispute resolution. For example, Kenya's 2010 Constitution requires the Supreme Court to decide petitions for presidential elections within 14 days.

Ghana's Supreme Court must rule on presidential petitions within 42 days, while Indonesia's Constitutional Court renders decisions on similar cases within 14 working days after hearing. Election-related cases are addressed through accelerated legal procedures even in South Africa and other democracies.

These instances have demonstrated that the amendment we require is one that, rather than changing the election schedule to account for inefficiencies, secures timely electoral justice through institutional efficiency.

The issue cannot be resolved by moving the election date without addressing the underlying flaws in our electoral issues adjudication and other core electoral flaws. He argued that nations with strong institutional safeguards are better able to control early campaigns.

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